As Anthony Albanese jetted off to Europe last weekend for a meeting with NATO leaders, he may have reflected on the frenetic pace at which his prime ministership has begun – and not just on the domestic front. With the brutal invasion of Ukraine by Russia and the growing political and military assertiveness of China, Australia finds itself an active participant in the geopolitical upheaval under way.

That was reflected in the rare expansion of the NATO talks, with Albanese being invited along with New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and South Korean President Yoon Suk- yeol. The purpose of including four nations from the Indo-Pacific region became evident when, for the first time, NATO made mention of China in its new 10-year strategic blueprint, declaring that Beijing’s “stated ambitions and coercive policies challenge our interests, security and values”.

Anthony Albanese greets President of Finland Sauli Niinisto as they attend the North Atlantic Council meeting at the Nato Leaders’ Summit in Madrid, Spain.Credit:Lukas Coch

It was a fundamental shift for an alliance that was born in the Cold War era but came to view a post-Soviet Russia as a possible ally, and did not focus on China at all. But things have changed. NATO’s stance on China was accompanied by tougher language on Russia, which it now believes is the “most significant and direct threat to the allies’ security”. That heightened threat opened the way for the previously nonaligned Nordic countries Finland and Sweden to join the alliance after Turkey dropped its veto on their membership.

And while former US president Donald Trump seemed to revel in antagonising his European allies, Joe Biden, who is facing deep divisions at home, has been effective at marshalling the Western alliance into acting with a remarkable level of unity and resolve in funnelling arms to Ukraine, increasing defence spending and imposing severe economic sanctions against Russia. America, still the backbone of the NATO alliance, has agreed to establish a permanent military headquarters in Poland, will send an additional 5000 troops to Romania and will increase rotational deployments in the Baltic states.

But with the Australian government in a battle with Beijing on many fronts, it would have been NATO’s robust views on China that would have most heartened Albanese. In surprisingly direct language, NATO’s blueprint declares that China’s “confrontational rhetoric and disinformation target allies and harm alliance security”. It also attacked Beijing over its bid “to subvert the rules-based international order”. While NATO did offer an olive branch, saying it was open to “constructive engagement”, China’s support for Russia’s actions in Ukraine has fractured its relationship with Europe.

In contrast, Australia’s relationship with the EU has vastly improved since Labor defeated the Coalition. According to The Age’s Europe correspondent, Rob Harris, Albanese’s election has been met with a great deal of positivity throughout Europe, mainly due to Labor’s bolder climate pledges.

There are also signs that Australia’s relationship with France is improving after the diplomatic fallout from the Morrison government’s dumping of the French submarine contract in favour of an agreement with Britain and the US for nuclear-powered submarines. On Friday night, Albanese was expected to dine at the Elysee Palace in Paris with President Emmanuel Macron. The outcome of that meeting could have an impact on Australia’s trade negotiations under way with the European Union and our level of co-operation with France in the Pacific region. A trade agreement with the EU has the potential to open up a market for Australian goods and services of almost 450 million people and the promise of increasing two-way trade by up to $94 billion.

But security was foremost during Albanese’s European trip, and he wanted to make clear that Australia stood shoulder to shoulder with NATO in condemning Russia’s actions in Ukraine. After the Kremlin’s missile strikes on a busy shopping centre, he echoed the dismay of other world leaders, who branded the attack “abominable”. The prime minister also announced that Australia was weighing up strengthening its diplomatic presence in Kyiv by reopening its embassy and that he would like an ongoing “on-ground presence” in the war-torn nation in the coming weeks.

While Australia had sporadic dealings with NATO since its inception in 1949, it was not until the Howard government committed military personnel to the NATO-led operation in Afghanistan in 2005 that more permanent ties were formalised. Since then, Australia has signed up to several agreements with the Western alliance, deepening its co-operation. This has been in line with NATO’s increasing recognition that ensuring Europe’s safety requires paying attention to regions beyond its borders.

Albanese is right to build on our relationship with the major Western alliance. When Vladimir Putin signed a pact in February with Chinese President Xi Jinping committing to a friendship “with no limits”, it quickly established a new geopolitical fault line, which has only hardened with Beijing’s backing of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Australia may have little to no sway over Russia’s barbaric behaviour in Ukraine, but it can play a meaningful role in helping to navigate relations with China. Ensuring that we have the backing of as many like-minded nations as possible will only enhance Australia’s ability to have a place at the table when deciding the future of our region.

Gay Alcorn sends a newsletter to subscribers each week. Sign up to receive her Note from the Editor.

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